Friday, June 10, 2005

Hey, everyone, this post is in response to a recent remark (and ensuing argument) comparing Pres. Bush to a character named Sedgwick Bell from the movie the Emperor's Club. If you haven't seen the movie, my review is that it was ok - maybe a bit like mixing Mr. Holland's Opus with Dead Poets Society. Anyway, enjoy. Oh, also, I take a brief moment to make fun of someone that suggested outlawing alcohol as a cure to society's ills.

Um. hi, everyone. Just thought I'd add my own little, miniature comment in, hopefully to stir up controversy or whatever you will.

First off, guitargod, we tried the outlawing alcohol thing. As far as anyone can tell, it seems to mostly just provide an opportunity for the onset of massive organized crime. One figures that if someone is going to make money of the sale and consumption of alcohol, it may as well be the government, rather than the criminals (this is your cue to make many semantics related jokes).

Now, on to moralizing, the ethics of presidents, and the point.

Let's do those in reverse order.

It seems to me that the point of this movie isn't just about morals or ethics or rich, spoiled, machiavellian kids. It seems to me to be a story about the mark one leaves behind at the end of one's life, one's legacy. There are those who become powerful, respected, famous, rich; they are conquerors, bringers of peace or war, fighters, revolutionaries, economists, et cetera, etc. Yet, at the end of their lives, it is possible that they may look back and discover that though they did many great things, they were not, as such, great men. The purpose of the rest of the movie is to try to define the things that truly do define a great man. Or woman, I suppose, though that exact point was never mentioned.

Presidents Bush and Clinton seem to be remarkably different men, in the sense that they each tend to represent their own party's ideal and their opposing party's most terrible. And I think this is primarily because the ethical focus in each political party is directed in almost opposing directions.

Specifically, democrats at the core and at this point in time care very about personal ethics and care much more about global ethics. For example, your traditional democrat wouldn't give two craps (if you'll excuse my french) about how many women a man has slept with or how many times he's read the bible or even how regular is his routine. Beyond that, they typically become concerned when a president starts to introduce his own, personal beliefs into the national dialogue, rather than his profesional beliefs. Clinton is an excellent example of such a man, but an even more perfect example is that of Earl Warren as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Now here was a truly reprehensible man; here was the man who ordered the Asian internment camps during WWII, yet the moment Warren accepted the tennants of Supreme Court Justice, his personal motives were pushed aside and decisions were made based upon a professional and moral understanding of the Constitution and its amendments.

Meanwhile, to modern Republicans (and I'm not speaking of you old school republicans who are slowly discovering you are really libertarians - I'm talking neo-cons), the notion of putting aside one's faith and personal morals isn't reprehensible; it's inconceivable. One is guided by one's values and acts upon them. In a sense, presidents are elected based upon what they believe and do personally, not what they do professionally. Under Bush's tenure as president, the nation has fought two wars, slid into a recession (which probably isn't his fault), failed to recooperate from that recession in any quick and meaningful way (which is certainly at least partially his fault), enmeshed inself into a turmoil that is remenicent of (but no where near as bad as) Vietnam, failed to make abortion illegal, slowed and possibly even reversed some work in environmental recovery, and become more politically polarized than it has been in a century. On the other hand he doesn't like gay people, abortion, terrorists, or the nation of Iran (Saudi Arabia is cool, though).

Sorry, a little sarcasm popped in there, please, allow me to continue.

The thing is, President Bush does appear to be a very personally moral man in the American sense. He is not a womanizer. He reads the bible regularly. He wants to protect whatever sanctity marriage has left. He talks like he isn't from the Northeast, even if he doesn't know how to pronounce Nevada. These things are real, important things, and I apologize if my personal bias makes them sound in any way trivial, such is not my intent. These things are either unimportant or, if taken in a specific light, immoral to a core democrat, yet they are vital to the minds of the core republican. Reagan was a template (albeit a slightly less relgious one) for these values.

The moral of all this is that neither man truly fulfills the legacy of Sedgwick Bell. He was personally amoral, but he was also professionally amoral. As such, it is very easy to see the faults of either president in this one man, if you just lean in one direction. As I'm sure you can tell, I obviously lean one way, but I am certainly not professional enough in this field to say that my way of thinking is the correct one. When hiring someone, I like to look at track records. As far as I'm concerned, it's equally reasonable to look at background history.

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4 Comments:

Blogger Joel said...

One of the cool parts of my job is that I get to read the wire, and as I am often left with free moments, plus the fact that part of my job is scouring the wire, I read it a lot.

Yesterday there was a very interesting story about some memos like the one released in May, that implicate Bush in plotting to go to war WAY earlier than first thought (or at least earlier than first admitted.)

Below is a story that came across today, not refuting that fact, but making a lot of sense. I hadn't really thought of all of this, but there are good points in here. I'm to lazy to check out the source -- is scripps howard a tradtionally conservative news service?

Anyways, let me know what you think


By LISA HOFFMAN
Scripps Howard News Service
There’s a mighty hoo-hah blowing across the ocean from Britain, one amplified by blasts from American bloggers about the timing of President Bush’s decision to go to war with Iraq.
An unofficial Capitol Hill hearing Thursday, chaired by Rep. John Conyers, D-Mich., is likely to add spin to the swirling controversy that centers on what’s come to be known as the ‘‘Downing Street Memo,’’ a once-secret report on a meeting British Prime Minister Tony Blair held with aides in July 2002.
At it, they discussed what was characterized as Bush’s ‘‘determination’’ to invade Iraq — even though the White House was publicly denying such a decision had been made. The threat of weapons of mass destruction was concocted to justify a war, the memo implied.
To believe the bloggers, who have launched a coast-to-coast e-mail assault, the ‘‘mainstream news media’’ were snoozing at the time, either deaf to the war drums or uninterested in challenging Bush. The bloggers and Conyers also are outraged that little press attention is being paid now to the memo.
But a quick Google search of news stories at the time shows that the United States’ steady military buildup and its possible intentions were in fact chronicled in great and continuous detail beginning in the spring of 2002. Perhaps the bloggers’ misinformation about the earlier coverage dampened interest in the memo.
Was there a devious White House decision, even before the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, to concoct a rationale for ousting Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, who had bedeviled America since the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War and who had plotted to assassinate President George H.W. Bush?
If there was, it was hardly necessary. While it was the first for the George W. Bush administration, the 2002 military buildup was at least the fifth time the United States had massed fighting forces and materiel to confront Iraq since the end of Operation Desert Storm. Each time, the use of force was under full contemplation and, in several cases, used.
In President Bill Clinton’s two terms alone, there were three such major mobilizations. Two came in response to Saddam’s obstruction of international weapons inspectors. Hoisting a 5-pound bag of sugar to dramatize the amount of anthrax Saddam’s regime was believed to have, then-Defense Secretary William Cohen traveled to Capitol Hill and TV news studios warning Saddam to relent — or else possibly face pre-emptive attack.
The last buildup — which in January 1999 brought U.S. forces in the Gulf to seven times their normal level and cost taxpayers more than $1 billion — was the Clinton administration’s response to escalating Iraqi military provocations against American warplanes patrolling the ‘‘no-fly’’ zones over northern and southern Iraq.
It didn’t work. In the first seven months of 1999 alone, U.S. pilots reported they had faced Iraqi antiaircraft artillery fire from Iraqi ground forces 91 times, had been targeted by enemy radar in preparation for attack another 54 times and had been shot at by surface-to-air missiles 24 times.
Saddam’s response to U.S. demands that he cease? The strongman merely upped the reward he was offering to any Iraqi soldier who could bag a U.S. warplane and pilot.
The trajectory to crisis continued into the 2000 election year. No matter who won the presidential contest, it was clear that Saddam and Iraq would likely present the first major foreign-policy conundrum to whomever ascended to the Oval Office.
At the time, Saddam had the edge. He was gaining global sympathy with his complaints that U.N. economic sanctions — imposed after the Gulf War to keep Saddam from rebuilding his military and arming it with weapons of mass destruction — were causing the Iraqi people terrible suffering due to the food and medicine shortages that resulted.
While we know now that Saddam was siphoning off billions of dollars of ‘‘oil for food’’ aid that was intended for Iraqi families, at the time his plaint drew growing support from European nations, who were close to calling on the United Nations to lift sanctions.
U.S. allies in the Middle East, who had backed the no-fly enforcement and America’s military buildups as a proper response to Saddam’s aggression, were similarly peeling back their support. Saddam had lately taken up the Palestinian cause, funding the families of suicide bombers and otherwise inserting himself in the Arab-Israeli conflict.
His anti-U.S. tirades were well received in the region, and his stature was growing around the globe for his success in yanking America to the brink of war over and over for years.
At the same time, the Pentagon had growing worries about the no-fly patrols, which were designed to stifle any Iraqi military moves against its neighbors and to protect the Iraqi Kurds and Shiites, who were victims of the alleged war crimes for which Saddam now stands accused.
After 10 years of daily flights, the patrols, which reached a total of more than 216,000 sorties, were costing some $1 billion a year and wearing out warplanes and pilots. The escalation of Iraqi attacks meant the missions would only cost the military more and be even more dangerous. Many Pentagon brass grumbled that something had to be done.
But what? Periodic pinprick cruise-missile attacks, such as those launched against Iraqi military targets in 1998’s Operation Desert Thunder, Round II, had little effect, except on the Pentagon’s budget.
Relax economic sanctions? The Clinton administration denounced any such move as a misguided capitulation that would allow Saddam to re-arm, including with chemical and biological toxins.
Abandon the no-fly patrols? That would break America’s belated pledge to protect Saddam’s victims, thousands of whom died after U.S. forces left them vulnerable after the Gulf War. No more overflights would also give Saddam a free shot if he wanted to repeat his 1990 invasion of Kuwait or any other neighbor.
Clinton left the festering crisis to his successor. But even before Bush was sworn in on Jan. 20, 2001, Saddam demonstrated his own resolve to continue to force the issue.
In early January, Iraq’s aggressive targeting of U.S. no-fly patrols increased. By the end of January, more than 60 such incidents had been recorded — far more than in previous months. The newly minted Bush administration said the nation’s Iraq policy was under review, and that a new approach clearly was called for.
On Feb. 16, 2001, less than a month after Bush took office, he issued his first military order: permitting U.S. warplanes, in retaliation, to attack Iraqi surveillance radar and communications sites located outside the no-fly zones.
And what did Saddam do? He turned that bombing into fodder for his anti-U.S. campaign, and received a sympathetic response from many U.N. member nations.

6/15/2005 3:00 PM  
Blogger Nathan said...

Alright, it seems I am replying more quickly than expected.

So I decided to read up on what the memo says, and it seems your article doesn't really contradict it. The current arguments seem to be that Bush & co put together false and weak reasons to go to war w/ Iraq. This article doesn't discredit that notion; it just says there's a good reason and that Gore probably would have done the same thing.

That still doesn't take away the idea that a great disception went on.

Thoughts?

6/16/2005 11:19 PM  
Blogger Nathan said...

Also, at least some of my info comes from the following UK Reuters article on the subject.

What's in the Downing Street Memo?
16 Jun 2005 17:54:25 GMT

Source: Reuters

LONDON, June 16 (Reuters) - The Downing Street memo produced for British Prime Minister Tony Blair in July 2002 portrayed President George W. Bush as inevitably invading Iraq and said "intelligence and facts" were being fixed eight months before the March 2003 invasion. Bush and Blair dismissed this.

Here are some key facts on the Memo:

** Blair's staff produced the eight-page July 21, 2002, memo in preparation for the prime minister's meeting with his national security staff two days later at Downing Street.

** Britain's spy chief, Sir Richard Dearlove, had concluded that war was "inevitable" because "(President) Bush wanted to remove Saddam through military action," and "intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy."

** According to the minutes, Blair spoke to his cabinet explicitly in terms of toppling Saddam - "If the political context were right, people would support regime change," Blair is recorded as saying. "The two key issues were whether the military plan worked and whether we had the political strategy to give the military plan the space to work."

** Foreign Secretary Jack Straw said the case for war was "thin" because "Saddam was not threatening his neighbors and his WMD (weapons of mass destruction) capability was less than that of Libya, North Korea or Iran."

Straw proposed giving Saddam an ultimatum to allow in U.N. weapons inspectors, provoking a confrontation that would "help with the legal justification for the use of force."

** Blair ordered his chief of defense staff, Sir Michael Boyce, to present him with war plans later that week.

6/16/2005 11:24 PM  
Blogger Joel said...

Na, I think it does somewhat contradict, at least in spirit. The feeling right now, especially from the democrat camp, is that Bush went crazy trying to arrange the pieces for a war the nation didn't want or need. The article I included shows that it is in fact a war the nation was destined to engage in, like it or not, i.e. no matter how Bush got us there, it wasn't HIM that got us there, it was the history of the region and everything up to that point.

If the government was destined to wage war in Iraqa no matter the leader, as even you seem to accept, then I guess I'm ok with Bush displaying the evidence however he needed to in order to win the support for that mission.

Well...maybe that's too much..."however he needed to," but it's no secret the way the world works. It's all about the show, regardless the President, and anyone that doesn't think that is in the dark. Politics is about numbers and support. It's silly to think that the White House wouldn't stress the evidence it thought was the strongest, or position it's argument in the area it felt was the most convincing.

When you break down what we know in the context of a nation destined to finish Saddam off and a world dominated by the sound bite, it really isn't that big of a deal.

The article I posted doesn't really say that, but it does perhaps the most important plank of my point -- that war was going to happen no matter teh man in charge.

6/17/2005 2:02 AM  

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